TAMILS, TAMIL AND ĀLVĀRS
TAMILS, TAMIL AND ĀLVĀRS
Introduction
Having set a concrete background from
the point of Bhakti, Vaishnavismand
Saivism, Buddhism and Jainism and Historical background for the study about the
response to religious pluralism in the bhakti
tradition of Alvars, it is paramount
to trace the influence of Tamils and Tamil in the bhakti tradition of Alvars.
It is because the literary style, religious notions and even the response of Alvars to religious pluralism have their
strong background in Tamil culture and literature. To do so, it is essential to trace the
antiquity of the Tamil race, originality of their language, the dynamics of Cańkam age with reference to selected
literatures, which have considerable bearing on religious matters, the unique
contribution of akam principle for the soul stirring hymns of the Alvars, the division of habitable land
into five regions and their respective deities, the northern influence on
language, religion, caste, and a general analyses of religious situation as
reflected in the ancient Tamil literatures.
2.1 Antiquity of Tamils
About the antiquity of the Tamil race
P. T. Srinivasa Aiyangar writes that the “Tamils inhabited South India from
time immemorial.”[1] And “the Tamil race has been a homogeneous
one since the Stone Age.”[2] There is a milder yet orthodox view, which
holds that “the Tamils, or Tamilar, were certainly the natives of the ancient
Tamilaham ‘or Lemuria’, a continent in the Indian Ocean above the equator
submerged a hundred centuries ago.”[3] But it may not be possible and profitable to
debate upon these dates. It will be
sufficient to hold that the Tamils were an ancient indigenous race.
As to the culture of the Tamils, P. T.
Srinivasa Aiyangar says, the Tamils were the most highly cultured of the people
of India before the age of the Rishis (Aryans).[4] Three different evidences support this
statement. “The first source of
information regarding ancient South Indian life is the Catalogue of Prehistoric
antiquities of South India, of artifacts, discovered by geologists and others,
belonging to the Neolithic and early Iron Ages and deposited in the various
museums of India.”[5] “The Second line of evidence is furnished by
a study of the words which the Tamil language possessed before it came in any
kind of contact with Sanskrit, the sacred language of the Āryas.”[6] And “our third line of evidence is the early
literature of the Tamil people.”[7] The estimation may be too ambitious to be
accepted, but the fact remains that, once the Tamils were free from any
external, particularly Sanskrit influence. Their religion, language, culture etc. have reflected an independent
nature. The phase of Alvars in the
religious and literary arena of the Tamils witnessed the fusion of southern and
northern or Tamil and Sanskrit traditions.
2.2 Originality of Tamil
It is held that the Tamil language was
unadulterated, before the coming of the Aryans.
Only after their arrival there were occasions of borrowing. P. T.
Srinivasa Aiyangar held that “their ‘pure’ Tamil words are called tanittamil moligal, words untouched by
foreign influence; they were used by the Tamils to serve the needs of the
culture which they had evolved for themselves before they were influenced by
any other people in the world.”[8]
Even the great tradition of Tamil
poetry, which is reflected in the religious poems of Alvars, had its uniqueness from the hoary past. It is said “…the kings of the three early
Tamil royal houses, the Śēra, the Śola and the Pānya, as well as several petty
chiefs of South India, patronized minstrels called Pānar, who, with the Yāl on
their shoulders, wandered from court to court and sang beautiful odes on the
adventures of kings and nobles in love and war, or as they called it, on Agam and Puram.”[9] This is a significant point to note, because
it alludes to the panars and the
habit of using the sentiments of love in poetry. The only difference is that
the Alvars praised God in their poems
and expressed displeasure to praise ordinary human beings. One of the Alvars belonged to the panar community. The majority of the
songs of the Alvars reflect the akam genre or love sentiment of the
Tamil poetics. Though most of these odes are now lost, the available ones were
collected in later times into anthologies called Aganānūru, Puranānūru, Narrinai, Kurundogai, etc.[10]
The earlier autonomous character of Tamil from alien influences would be
discussed from the fact that “in ancient times the influence of Aryam on Tamil
vocabulary was not perceptible, and Tamil literature maintained its
independence.”[11] P. T. Srinivasa Aiyangar contended that
loan-words began to enter Tamil not before 1000 B.C.[12]
because then the Tamils did not come in contact with other nationalities. This
date is difficult to consider, because even the so-called Cańkam epoch was decided to be around first few centuries of
Christian era. Hence, this date might suggest a very early Aryan influence on
Tamil.
Regarding
the nature of Tamil literature it is held that
“ it is ancient, vast and essentially moral and religious.”[13] It is also often argued that the ancient
Tamils were not keen followers of religions. They were interested on secular
matters more than the spiritual. It does not mean that they were irreligious
but less anxious about such affairs. One
thing is very clear that the neutral religious attitude prevalent then in the
Tamil tradition, underwent a dramatic shift during the time of Alvars.
It may be, again, the result of Aryan influence upon the Tamil
tradition.
The ancient “Tamil literature falls
into three great divisions: Iyal (poetry),
Isai (music) and Natakam (drama).”[14] The poems of Alvars fall under the category of Iyal (poetry). They used the
akam genre of the Tamil poetry to
express their peculiar religious experience.
2.3 Cańkam
Two definitions of the term may shed
adequate light on the scope of this particular epoch. One is that the word ‘Cańkam’ is the Tamil form of the
Samskrit word sangha, which means a
group of persons or an association.[15] And the other one is “it was not a teaching
institution nor was it a debating association but an exclusive literary club
admitting to its membership top academicians of those times i.e., whoever was
willing to be so admitted.”[16] According to Sailendra Nath Sen, “these
Sangams were societies of learned men.”[17] As to the activity of Cańkam, it was doing the work of literacy censors.[18] Irrespective of the debates on the function of Cańkam, it needs to be emphasized that
there was conscious attempt to preserve the ancient and unique excellence of
Tamil.
In the words of V. D. Mahajan “the
Tamil sangam was an academy of poets and bards who flourished in three
different periods and in different places under the patronage of the Pandyan
Kings.”[19] This view has been accepted without much
skepticism. As to the number of Cańkam
diverse opinions prevail. M. S. Purnalingam Pillai mentions a list of six Cańkams.[20] Of course, debating on the numbers of Cańkam may not be of much help. The point to be stressed is that there
existed the Tamil Cańkam.
N. Subrahmanian points out the
distinctive nature of this forum as “there was a unique literary institution in
the Tamil country twenty six centuries ago and the like of which is not known
to have existed in any other society of those ancient times.”[21] This exceptional feature informs that the
Tamil language was independent and its originality was maintained at all
cost. Cańkam is an example to be proud of the discipline and excellence
expected from learned people.
Another critical note brought out by
recent scholars is about the existence of the Cańkams. V. D. Mahajan
states, “modern writers have dismissed the first two Sangams as pure myths.”[22] M.S. Purnalingam Pillai also indicated this
doubt about the first three Cańkams. He writes, “their existence is challenged by
critical scholars…”[23]
As stated earlier the number of Cańkams matters
very little. What matters is the acceptance of the existence of such a great
academic body to maintain and preserve the quality of literature and to
encourage great literary contributions.
As to the date of the Cańkam, P. T. Srinivas Iyengar
writes: “the earliest specimens of Tamil
poetry we now possess cannot be assigned to any date much earlier than the
beginning of the Christian era.”[24] S. Sundararajan expresses similar view: “the
major part of Śangam literature belongs to the first three centuries of the
Christian era and some poems no doubt belong to the era before Christ.”[25] According to
Shu Hikosaka “the first three centuries of the Christian era of the
Tamil country is some times called the Cańkam
age, because it is believed that the Cańkam
poems were composed during this period.”[26] It can be said that Cańkam could have been in existence several years before the
beginning of the Christian era. And only
the literatures representing this period was collected and preserved at this
particular point of time. The existence
of Cańkam, its function, nature and
date reveal the crucial phase prior to the sweeping influence of Ālvār
movement in Tamilnadu.
2.4 Decadence of Cańkam
Third century A.D. is generally called
the decadence of Cańkam. It was at this time that “the Kalabhras began
to rule the Tamil country from about A. D. 300 and their rule came to an end by
about A. D. 576.”[27] K. A. Nilakanta Sastri indicates the
disturbed situation thus: “after the close of the Śangam epoch, from about
A.D.300 to A.D.600, there is an almost total lack of information regarding
occurrences in the Tamil land.”[28] The same issue is emphatically stated: “as a
result of foreign invasions, the literary sangams collapsed, and darkness
reigned supreme for three or four centuries.”[29]
The impact of this period was that
there were infiltration of Aryan language, religion and culture. It is said
“the Aryan religion began to assert itself with all formalism and many people
who hated ritualism seceded from it.”[30] Another impact is that the Kalabhras were the
supporters of both Buddhism and Jainism.
The spread of these non-Vedic religions helped the people, who seceded
from the ritualism of the Aryans. Thus
the infiltration of the Aryans and the spread of non-Vedic religions caused the
speedy development of Ālvār
movement in south India. The Aryans
provided myths and the non-Vedic religions became a target.
2.5 Cańkam Literatures
The Cańkam literatures have provided the Alvars the required poetical skills and religious orientation. Neelakanta Sastri is of the opinion that the Cańkam literature was the result of the
meeting and fusion of two originally separate cultures, the Tamil and the
Aryan.[31] At the same time there are others who hold
that “it alone can be called the unadulterated literature of the Tamils.”[32] The second view is the most accepted one and
it has its own justifications.
As to the content of Cańkam literature, each scholar gives a
different list. But the most
comprehensive and acceptable list is: “1. Akanānūru, 2. Puranānūru, 3. Narrinai,
4. Kuruntokai, 5. Aińkurunuru, 6. Patirruppattu, 7. Paripātal, 8. Kalittokai
and 9. Pattupāttu. Tolkāppiyam, the grammatical treatise is also considered to
have belonged to this period.”[33] According to another version “this literature
is grouped into eight anthologies, viz, [1] Narrinai,
[2] Kurundogai, [3] Aingurunuru, [4] Padirrupattu, [5] Paripadal,
[6] Kalittogai, [7] Ahananuru, [8] Purananuru; a ninth group Pattupattu
completes the table. The entire
collection includes 2, 279 poems written by 473 poets including some
women. The Tolkappiyam, a comprehensive work on Tamil grammar, belongs to the
same age.”[34]
It is argued that the Cańkam literature represents a specific
class of people called Cānrōr, which
is translated as secular or this worldly. But the right rendering may be great
and noble persons or the learned and noble persons. Friedhelm Hardy states this view thus: “instead of approaching the ‘poetic
tradition’ of the Cańkam literature
as if it represented exclusively the
classical world view, or as if it reflected the whole of that society, it seems more appropriate to see in it the
cultural superstructure belonging to a particular social class.”[35] One more similar view is that it reveals to
us a secular-minded people who are engaged in the battle of life in all its
aspects and refusing to yield to religious fanaticism.[36] One thing is very clear that during this
period there was no hatred among religions. This situation changed during the
time of Alvars. A discussion on a few Cańkam collections, which have religious significance, can reveal
the religious condition of this particular epoch. It is to be noted that the relaxed religious
attitude of the Cańkam age met with a
radical change during the time of Alvars.
2.5.1 Patthuppattu
Patthuppattu or Ten Idylls is one of the Cańkam literatures. The date
of this work is discerned from the statement that “as the authors of some of these idylls were
the contemporaries of Karikala Chola, and Nedum-Chelian, the date of their
compositions must range between 60 and 95 A.D.”[37]
The first idyll, Thiru Muruga-Attupadai i.e.
leading/directing towards lord Muruga, which has three hundred and seventeen
verses, is attributed to Nakkirar. This
idyll describes Muruga with his six faces and twelve hands (with his functions)
as a deity higher in rank than the trinity and Indra together. Later, this deity was Aryanised and included
in their mythology. M.S. Purnalingam Pillai remarks, “what strikes a reader of
this poem is the readiness with which the Aryans metamorphosed Muruga and his
mother Kattavai into Subramania and Uma and included them in their pantheon.”[38]
The sixth Idyll is called Madurai Kanchi, which is attributed to
Mamkudi Maruthanar. It talks about the
prosperity of the Jains and Buddhists. In this, we come to know that the
Buddhist monasteries and Jain shrines were in their flourishing condition with
hosts of worshippers attached to each.[39]
Another significant idyll is the ninth
one called, Pattinap-Palai, which is
attributed to Rudran Kannanar. In this
poem there are references to the existence of Buddhist monasteries and Jain
abbeys in the land of Chola. It shows not only the prevalence of other
religions but also the religious toleration of the kings of old in South India.[40]
The ten Idylls are good examples to
illustrate the Aryan overtaking of the Tamil traditions and the relation
between religions during the Cańkam
age in south India. It also makes known
that, besides the prevalent Tamil deities and their worship, Buddhism and
Jainism enjoyed equal status from the rulers and the subjects. The Alvars were no exemption to this Aryan
influence. All the more, they had to
strive to establish the superiority of their own deity while accounting for the
existence of belief in other deities and systems.
2.5.2 Kalit–Thokai
This is one of the Ettut-Thokai (the eight collections)
poems, which falls under Cańkam
literature. This is an anthology of
short poems. It has one hundred and
fifty love songs in Kali (one of the
four forms of Tamil verses) meter. The
importance of the poem is that “there are altogether about sixteen references
to Māyōn in the Kali; thirteen of
which mention him by name and the remaining three by paraphrases or structural slot.”[41] This is sufficient evidence to suggest that
Māyōn was a Tamil deity who was later enclosed and crowned with Aryan names and
forms. It is noteworthy that the word Māyōn
profusely appears in the works of Alvars.
2.5.3 Paripatal
It is another Cańkam literature that comes under the list of Ettut-thokai (anthologies) works.
About the texts in this anthology it is said, “originally the text
contained 70 poems, but now we have only 22.”[42] Paripātal
is more religious in outlook. About its
subject it is remarked that, “the theme of Paripātal is to eulogize the glory
of Tirumāl and Cevvēl and to delineate the love–affairs of all grades of human
kind….”[43]
Paripātal conveys in clear tone that
Tirumāl and Murugan were the prominent Tamil deities during the Cańkam age. These deities underwent radical Aryan
influence.
It describes
the divine qualities of the god Tirumal (Vishnu).[44] The Tirumāl hymns (poems) are six in number
(i.e. 1,2,3,4,13 & 15) and different authors composed them.[45] This shows that there were Vaisnavas in the
south, before the time of Ālvārs. It is said, “the 521 lines of the hymns
dedicated to Tirumāl constitute a veritable storehouse of information about
Vaisnavism in the South.”[46] Probably, the poets of this period would have
considered Tirumāl as transcendental, unapproachable absolute.[47]
Another name of god used in Paripadal is Māyōn. Other parallel names are Māyan, Māyavan and
Māl. It is debated that these are different Tamil renderings of the Sanskrit
name Krishna the Black One.[48] Friedhelm Hardy argued that, “we may conclude
that the milieu which the Paripātal
represents was aware of those myths that deal with Krishna’s amours, but preferred to ignore them.”[49] It is further contended that “a whole set of
metaphors mention the dark complexion of Krishna; these will form the standard
repertoire of the Ālvārs.”[50] The ticklish issue is whether south
influenced north or vice- versa. Because the convergence of these two
traditions took place very early and this has
shaped the myths of Hinduism to a very considerable size.
It is also noticed that even many of
the avatars of Vishnu are found in Paripātal. [51]
A link between Paripātal and Bhāgavadgīta, with reference to the twin systems
of Sāmkhya and Yoga to be the means of salvation[52]
is also identified. But the culmination
of north-south convergence is attributed to a latter time. For example, it is said, “only under the
influence of Yāmuna and Rāmānuja will the Northern schemata of Vishnu and his avatāras and of Para– Vāsudeva and his Vyūhas and Vibhūtis replace the more archaic and simple conception in the
South.”[53] Because, until the time of the Ālvārs, the names used for Vishnu were
quite different from, the ones that are used in the latter phase. Thus it may be held that, Rämänuja
systematized the north-south confluence, even though the process began early.
There are poems devoted to Cevvēl or
Muruga in Paripātal. “Muruga is intimately associated with the
life and breath of the Tamils from time immemorial.”[54] It may be suggested that, because of the over
influence of Aryans on the Dravidian religious realm the Dravidian gods were
receded to the background. “The fifth
Paripātal contains a myth of the birth of Kumāra – Muruga due to the influence
of the Sanskrit legends.”[55] Thus the influence of north over the
religious life of the south began to creep in at various levels. The repeated use of the names of Tirumāl,
Muruga, Śiva etc., are revealing the
fact that, there was a sense of toleration in the religious climate as noticed
in Paripātal.[56] It is significant to note that the names of
gods found in the works of Alvars are
similar to those found in the Tamil classics.
2.5.4 Tolkāppiyam
It is a comprehensive work on Tamil
grammar. It belonged to Cańkam
age. The author is considered to be
Tholkappiar “called after his village Tholkappiakudi situated to the south of
Madura….”[57] It has 1612 sutras.[58] They are arranged in three parts: “The three
parts of it are Eluthu (Orthography),
Sol (Etymology), and Porul (Matter), each with nine
sections”.[59] Among these the Porul is divided into akam
(inner) and puram (outer). It will be seen that the principles of akam were used by the Ālvārs in their out pouring.
In Tolkäppiyam
“true love is considered under five aspects, viz union (punarthal), separation
(pirithal), patience in separation (irutthal), wailing (irangal), and sulking
(udal), and these are made to fit in with the five – fold physiographical
division, viz, mountain (Kurinchi), desert (Palai), jungle (Mullai), beach
(neithal) and fields (Marutham).”[60]
It also informs us that the god of
Mullai, the forest and the adjoining regions was Mayon (Tirumal).[61] Here the word Mal is used to mean ‘great’.
Tirumal, the Tamil name for the latter Vishnu, was a prominent deity of
the Tamils, even before the penetration of northern influences in the
south. It was this deity of Mullai region that found profound
expression in the poems of Alvars.
2.5.5 Cilappatikāram and Manimēkalai
These are the two ancient Tamil
epics. They were written by Ilañkō Adikal
and Cāttanār respectively. According to
Shu Hikosaka “Cilappatikāram should
have been written in about 750 A.D. and Manimekalai
between 890 and 950 A. D…”[62]
As to the religion of these two authors, there is no direct reference. But it is generally held that, Ilañkö Adikal
and Cāttanār belonged to Jainism and Buddhism respectively.
As to the scope of Manimēkalai M. S. Purnalingam Pillai says,
“the real object of the ‘Jewel Belt’ appears to be to represent Buddhism as
superior to every form of Hinduism, and especially to the Jain system.”[63] Similar idea is expressed, as “propagation of
Buddhism in the Tamil Country is one of the underlying purposes of Manimēkalai.”[64]
Cilappatikāram, the earliest extant
Tamil epic (300 A.D.) projects a panorama of various faiths and religious
practices prevalent perhaps at the end of Cańkam
period. It breathes the spirit of
religious toleration.[65] The tension between religious tolerance and
superiority claims is echoed in the poems of
Alvars.
The fact that needs to be admitted is
that there was always religious tolerance and at the same time each religion
worked for its inherent superiority.
This tension is inevitable. This
tension should lead people to positive and constructive responses and not
negative and destructive, as is found in present situations. Plurality is a given fact. It has to be used
creatively and dynamically. Cańkam
literatures reveal three facts. One is
that there were different forms of worship, including the Jain and
Buddhists. Secondly, these religions
coexisted side by side without hatred.
And thirdly, there was religious tolerance. In short, Cańkam
literatures represent a tolerant attitude among different religions. The problem of one and many finds adequate
expression in the succeeding works of Alvars.
2.6 Akam and Puram
The practice of dividing the subject
matter into akam and puram is a peculiar Tamil feature. V. D. Mahajan emphatically says that, “the
division of Aham and Puram is essentially Tamilian and Sui generis to their literature.”[66] The meaning and scope of these two are
explained as “love and war were respectively called agam and puram the inner
life which one cannot share with other men and the outer life of action which
other men can appreciate and admire.”[67] To go further deep “Aham literature deals
with matters strictly limited to one aspect of subjective experience viz.,
love.”[68] And “Puram literature deals with matters
capable of externalization or objectification.”[69]
The interesting aspect is that the
Tamil devotional works have used the principle of akam to express the love of a devotee towards his or her
deity. M. S. Purnalingam Pillai
suggests, “the intense devotion which the Nāyanmārs and Ālvārs felt towards God
would normally come under akam.”[70] Its intensity is found in the works of the Alvars.
The Alvars have the credit of
applying akam principles in their poems.
Their philosophy was that in front of the great Lord, all the souls would
become feminine.[71] This tendency is obvious in most of the works
of the Alvars. Hence, knowledge of akam is essential for the understanding of the works of Alvars.
2.7 Four Ideals
Besides the division of akam and puram, the Tamils had the practice of dividing the subject matter
into four classes. From the point of
literature “the Tamils were not strangers to another form of classifying
literary themes viz., Aram, Porul, Inbam and Vidu.”[72] From the point of religion too, “Tamil Lore,
recognizes the Four quests and calls them Aram, Porul, Inbam and Veedu”.[73] These four classes are again brought under
two divisions. One is the Aram, Porul
and Vidu, which come under puram. The other is Inbam, which comes under akam.
The word aram means moral and religious duty, virtue or merit; porul means things, wealth or objectives
of human life; veedu is used in the
sense of heaven, freedom, liberation etc.;
and inbam is used to denote sexual
joy or love. The bhakti saints have used the love aspects to express their intimacy
with their deity. Thus God is used in
the masculine and soul is described in feminine form. This is the predominant metaphor, which
decorates the hymns of the Alvars.
2.8 Five Regions or Tinai
One of the salient features of the
ancient Tamils was to divide the land into five regions for the sake of
convenience. They noted that the
habitable parts of the earth’s surface were divisible into five natural regions
and named each region a tinai.[74] The word tinai
means a region or a stretch of land.
The five regions are “…Pālai, or sandy desert land, Kurinji
mountainous
country, Mullai, forest tracts, Marudam, the lower river valley, fit for
agricultural operations, and Neydal,
the littoral region.”[75] According to this division, they classified
the races as five and each of whom followed professions suited to the region
inhabited by them.[76] The five races are Maravar, Kuravar, Āyar, Ulavar
and Paradavar, respectively.
In the Pālai lived the Kallar and the Maravar. As their land was unproductive they lived by
preying upon the wealth accumulated by the dwellers of other regions. They sacrificed animals and at times even men
too, to the dreaded local god or goddess.
These deities have been idealized and turned into aspects or
subordinates of the world-mother, Kāli
or of her husband, ‘Śivan’, in comparatively recent times. Korravai, the
goddess of victory is described in canto XII of Silappadigāram. Now the
religion and practices of Pālai are
found in the other four regions as well.
It may be because there were migrations of people and cults from region
to region; the various tribes coalesced with each other by marriage and other
causes.[77]
Kuriñji is the mountain-region. There lived the Kuravar. Later literature
describes them as the heroes of romantic love at first sight. They led the semi-nomad life of the hunter;
hunted with the bow and the arrow and fought wild animals with the Vel.
Their women in the earliest days were clad in nothing but atmosphere
around or in hides or in maravuri,
tree-flay or in leaf-garments, called in Tamil, talai-udai.[78] The god of the hilly region was the Red
(Sēyōn), also called Murugan, who was the patron of pre-nuptial love.[79] Thus Sēyōn also means boy lover, the ever
youthful implying the home of romantic love at first sight, in the hill
country.[80] He was a hunter and carried the Vēl or spear
and hence called Vēlan, spearman.[81] Throughout the ages, Murugan remained essentially
a god enshrined on hilltops, notwithstanding later affiliations with post-Vedic
mythology. As Lord of the hills, the
abode of serpents, he reveals himself even today to his devotees in the form of
a serpent.[82] When in later ages asceticism came to be a
much respected way of life, and ascetics resorted to hills for peaceful
meditation, he also became the ascetic god.[83] His manifestation as naked god represents the
ancient nature of people and culture.
“His priest was also called Vēlan”.[84] The priest performed Veriyādal or Vēlanādal
the ancient form of worshipping Murugan through dance. Like the God, the priest also possesses a Vēl during dance. Hence he is called Vēlan. The same Murugan could not escape the northern
influences, in the forms of myths, to the extent that he was called the son of
Śiva.
Mullai
is the region of
forest and people called Idaiyar
lived there. Other words used for them were Ayar
and Kōnār, i.e., cowboys. They tended
cattle and played on flute, Kulal,
made of bamboo, or of the stem of the water lily, or of the cassia fruit or of
the creeper jasmine. Their leisure was
spent in lovemaking in the forests, which afforded ample cover for their
amatory proceedings. The god of this
region was māyōn, the dark-hued
wonder working Kannan. His worship
included a dance called Kudam or
Māyōnādal. This is reflected many times
in the devotional poems of the Ālvārs. Krishna is the Sanskrit name for Kanan. Krshna in Rig-Veda is called a demon opposed
to Indra. But in the later times Kannan
became KrishnaParamātma. P. T. Srinivasa
Aiyangar emphatically expressed this view as “I therefore hold that the ancient
god of the pastoral tribes evolved into Krishnaand not that Krishnaof the Bhagavad Gita deteriorated into a
pastoral god in recent times.”[85]
Marudam region includes river valley. The people of this region are Vellālar. Their main occupation was agriculture and
Indra was their deity. The modern pongal feast is a relic of the harvest
festival associated with Indran, as the name bōgi pondigai, Indran-feast shows.
Bōgi is a name of
Indiran. The Aryans could have borrowed and ennobled
the concept of Indra. And it was the
success of Vaisnavism and Śaivism from about the sixth century A.D., which
caused the disappearance of Indra from south.[86]
Neydal is the littoral region. The people of this region were called Valaiñar, the men who plied the
net. Their God was Varunan. The worship of this deity is very different
from the fire-worship of the same deity.[87] In other words this Varunan is different from
the Vedic Varuna who was considered to be the law (Rīta) giver.
These five regional deities were
worshipped for the convenience of the people.
In course of time there were inter-mixture of these deities. But there was no religious antagonism. It was the Aryans who monopolized a few
deities and subordinated the rest. The
superiority claims between religions caused tension between them. This tension is vivid in the works of Alvars.
Apart from these five regional divisions, people were divided into
different classes. According to M. S. Purnalingam Pillai “the Tamilar were of
Eight Classes: Arivar, Ulavar, Ayar, Vedduvar, Kannalar, Padiadchier, Valayar,
and Pulayar.”[88] [i.e., the wise, farmer, cowherds,
hunter, smiths of all kinds, military class, fishermen and tanners,
respectively].
P. T. Srinivasa Aiyangar is of the
opinion that, “…there was a vertical classification of the people of any one
region into Mannar, kings, Vallal,
petty chiefs, noblemen, Vellālar,
owners of fields, Vanigar, merchants,
all of whom were called Uyarndôr or Mēlōr, the higher classes and Vinaivalar, and Adiyōr, the working classes and personal servants.”[89] There was no trace of the Aryan four-fold
caste system during the Cańkam age in
the ancient Tamil society. The Varna system is the result of the
influences of Aryans upon the Tamils.
However, the Alvars broke away
from the Aryan system of caste.
2.9 North South Influence
The Aryan force, which concentrated in
the northern part of India slowly but steadily moved towards south. This movement may be analyzed from at least
three angles, viz., language,
religion and caste.
2.9.1 Language
Most of the scholars are unanimous to
suggest that Agasthiar was the first one to introduce Sanskrit elements into
Tamil. According to M. S. Purnalingam
Pillai, “it was certainly he that first brought Sanskrit grammar and models to
bear on virgin Tamil.”[90] In spite of his works being ravaged by time,
little is preserved in Tholkappiam. Again, P. T. Srinivas Iyengar held that,
“Sanskrit culture first began to affect Tamil literature when Agattiyanār
composed his Tamil grammar.”[91]
Stephen Neill suggested that, the
earliest Tamil literature was free from Aryan influence. It was only from the sixth century at least
the Tamil vocabulary has been fused with the Sanskrit, and the dual vocabulary
is a recognized feature of all Tamil literature subsequent to this date.[92]
The penetration of Aryan influence into
the Tamil language is said as “into the poems that were composed in the IV and
V centuries A.D., slowly, very slowly entered chiefly by way of allusions
Northern (Aryan) ideas, concepts, beliefs and superstitions.”[93]
The opening for such influence was created
by the literary renaissance that took place from the sixth century onwards.
Krishna Chaitanya says, “the re-emergence of the Pandyan realm in the sixth
century as a strong polity led to a literary renaissance.”[94]
More than the Buddhists, the Jains
have contributed to this influence. “The
Buddhists arrested for a time the aggressive nature of Aryam, but their check
was overborne by the Jains who, great scholars as they were, copied from that
language its models, and introduced foreign words freely in their Tamil works.”[95] “Buddhism and Jainism gave the cue to the
Saivite and Vaisnavite devotees to adopt the language of the mass, viz. Tamil as a vehicle for propagating the truths
of their religion.”[96] This in fact, facilitated success to the bhakti tradition of Alvars.
After Jains and Buddhists, both
Śaivaite and Vaisnavite devotional poets played the role. Special mention is needed to note the effect
of the Alvars in this direction. “And here we shall see that, instead of the
total acceptance of Northern model, the Sanskrit hymn with its dissolved
content of metaphysical doctrines, elements indigenous to the South re-emerge
to the surface and blend with the Krishna lore.”[97] According to K. K. A. Venkatachari “we find
the first consciousness of Tamil and Samskrt as parallel religious language in
the writings of the Ālvārs.”[98] “Although the Ālvārs sing their praises of
the Lord in Tamil, their mother tongue, they consider themselves part of the
Vedic tradition.”[99] Again “we might even go so far as to say that
the Ālvārs are not in revolt against the Samskrtic traditions associated with
Lord Vishnu but rather are simply singing His praise and joyously expressing
their sentiments in the language most intimate and immediate to them – Tamil.”[100] Although the Alvars used Sanskrit elements as background, their strict adherence
to Tamil was commendable.
2.9.2 Religion
The geographical dividing line between
north India and south India was the Vindhyas.
But this could not prevent the Aryans from their onward march toward
south. Probably, the Aryan Brahmanical
Hinduism could have reached south India earlier than Jainism and Buddhism. V.
D. Mahajan stated “the Aryas penetrated
even the remotest parts of South India by 400 B.C.”[101]
Two evidences are suggested in support
of the influence of Aryans on the south Indian people. The first one is the references to the costly
sacrifices performed by the southern monarchs of the age.[102]
And the second evidence is that the followers of Vedas had often disputations
with rival sections. “The rival sects
are not named, but they were doubtless Jainism and Buddhism which became more
prominent in the succeeding age.”[103]
A conspicuous example of this
influence is the addition of tīvalañjeydal
into the marriage rite of Tamils. “In the
ancient marriage-rite there was no circumambulation of fire, tivalam śeydal, which Brāhmana Purohitas
of later ages invented in imitation of the wedding-rite of the higher varnas
and introduced into the marriage-ritual of the Tamils.”[104] The re-emergence of Pandyan rule in the sixth
century A.D. provided the background for the Aryan religions to influence the
south. Along with the northern religious
elements a movement of devotional religion too emerged and developed in the
next two or three centuries.[105]
One among them was the bhakti movement of Alvars.
In spite of the northern influences on
the southern religions, south India maintained its peculiarity in matters of
devotion too. “Its saints and seers
evolved a new type of bhakti, a
fervid emotional surrender to God which found its supreme literary expression
in the Bhāgavatapuāna a bhakti, very different from the calm,
dignified devotion of the Bhāgavatas of the early, centuries before and after
Christ in Northern India.”[106] This can be debated because, there are
scholars who maintain that Bhāgavatapurāna
does not advocate prapatti or
self-surrender to god.
Even the cult of Vishnu is a northern
influence. The cult of Vishnu, which saw
its birth in north India, slowly spread into many parts of south India.[107]
The myths responsible for the strengthening of the emotional Krishnabhakti developed in north India. This became the center of attraction to the Alvars.
In the words of Friedhelm Hardy, “some what modified in the Tamil South,
they were then made by the Alvars the
mythological basis of their emotional bhakti.”[108]
Scholars consider Vināyaka worship as
a northern influence. “This Vināyaka
worship was introduced into the Tamil country after the seventh century A.D.,
during the Pallaver region”.[109] Thus from the point of religion northern
influence is very obvious in the southern religious atmosphere. Each and every line of the eulogies of the Alvars abounds with these Aryan myths.
2.9.3 Caste
There is no second opinion among the
scholars with regard to the Aryan influence in caste system. It is said “the iron-bound caste system,
Brahmin, Khasatrya, Vaisia and Sudra, was purely Aryan and the Aryans
ruthlessly foisted it on the Tamilar.”[110] Of course, there were divisions of Tamil
people on the basis of profession etc.,
but not on the basis of caste, as focused in Hinduism.
Amidst the several northern influences
on the Tamils, there was a southern influence on the northern religions. This was in the form of Vaisnavism and
Śaivism. Even though, the earliest north
Indian myths provided the background for the progress of bhakti, “the Bhakti cult in the form of Saivism and Vaishnavism
spread from South India to North India.”[111]
Apart from the south north polarity
there were points of convergence of these two poles. This convergence has strengthened Hinduism,
from religious and cultural point of view.
To explain further, the meeting of north and south created a combination
of northern and southern religious elements.
The present Hinduism is the result of the blend of the two. D. S. Sarma wrote, “we should never forget
that Hinduism is a fusion of Aryan and Dravidian faiths.”[112] At the cultural level “it is rightly pointed
out that Hindu religion and culture which has provided a firm base to Indian
culture, is the product of a synthesis of Aryan and Dravidian cultures.”[113]
2.10 Religion in Cańkam Age
An understanding of the religions and
their relations in Cańkam age are
great help to understand the later developments of bhakti in the form of Alvars
and their hymns. During Cańkam age there was the practice of
Vaishnavism and Śaivism of the agamic kind.[114] The agamic
records are considered to be non-Vedic in nature. “Vaishnavism apart from the
worship of Tirumal is not to be found in the Cańkam literature.”[115] This fact can be further confirmed. “When studying Tolkappiyam, Ettuthogai
and Pathupattu and the Silappadikaram
and Manimekalai, it is discovered that the early Tamils worshipped a god named
Tirumal.”[116]
Vishnu was referred to in the Tamil
literature with different names. They
are Mayon, Mayan, Mayavan, Nediyon,
Alion, Tigirion, Nemiyon, Niniravannan, Nedumudiannal,
Manivannan, and the like.[117]
At the same time, Śiva and his son Murugan also find considerable place in the
Tamil literature. It can be said that
Śiva and Murugan found adequate expression in the Tamil literature, like
Tirumal.
Nilakanta Sastri points out the
mention of Murugan in the early Tamil literature as, “the worship of Subramanya
(Murugan) and the legendary achievements of that deity are often alluded to.”[118] But it is not as found in the later
days. “He had not acquired the name of
Subrahmanyam then, though occasionally he was called Kumara.”[119] The name Subrahmanyam may be the outcome of
the Aryanising process of the Tamil deities.
As to the worship of Ganesa N.
Subrahamanian says, “Ganesa, a universally worshipped god of the Hindus was
totally unknown to the Tamils of the Cańkam
Age in his post- Cańkam form.”[120] This is another evidence for the overtaking
of the Tamil deities by the newly introduced Aryan ones.
There were two other religions, which
came from north and influenced the Tamil religion. It is said, “in addition to
Brahmanical Hinduism there were two alien religions and they were Jainism and
Buddhism.”[121] These two religions were non-Vedic in
nature. Hence, their influence on
Hinduism as a whole was nipped at the bud.
Summing up the whole religious
atmosphere Mahajan writes, “there were three strands of religion during the
sangam period viz., the indigenous gods, the exotic Hindu gods and the exotic
non-Hindu religious faiths, functions etc.”[122]
It may not be right to divide the religions found in the Cańkam literature as polytheistic, monotheistic or animistic. The fact that should set a concrete
background is that, there were many forms of worship or religion.
The general religious tendency of the
people was that they were optimistic. It
was the Aryan religion that created a pessimistic outlook in the religious
realms of Tamils. They did not indulge
in dark cogitation about the evils of earthly existence. They never tried for
any means to abolish the present joys of life for securing a future state of
unchanging bliss.[123]
In the Cańkam age, religion was never misused for other concerns, for the
Tamils of that age were not religious fanatics; not that they were consciously
tolerant but were too busy with their secular concerns to be very much bothered
by the demands of fundamentalist religion.[124]
Sundararajan writes, in Cańkam age religious tolerance was taken
for granted and practiced naturally.[125] The aggressive attitude among religions was
not there. The religions of the Cańkam
age played a milder and more harmonious role in society than it did in the
succeeding ages after the seventh century A. D.[126]
The sense of religious antagonism was
completely absent. Harmony and tolerance
characterized the relations between religions till about the fifth century
A.D. But there came a fear in the Tamil
country that the whole land was going over to Jainism and Buddhism. It is said
that the chief characteristics of the new epoch are the growth, on the one
hand, of an intense emotional bhakti
to Siva or Vishnu and on the other, of an outspoken hatred of Buddhists and
Jains.[127] The re-emerging of Pandya rule may be another
factor.
The general religious attitude that is
found in the Cańkam epoch was
peaceful. There were many sects. They existed side by side without harming the
other. Only when the established
religious forms of Aryans began to take over the simple and plain sects by
introducing new myths and gods, the necessity to secure the dignity of a
particular deity came in. Thus, there
crept in the struggle for supremacy of a deity or religion, causing intolerance
between them. Although the Alvars reflected the greatness of Cańkam ideals, the tension between
religions continued.
Summary
The Tamil race is considered to be one
of the ancient races of the world, possessing unique culture, language,
religion etc. Their language, Tamil,
maintained its originality until it was influenced by Sanskrit in various
forms. The so called, Cańkam served
as guardian of the Tamil language to preserve its traditional glory. The new invaders mired the existence of
Cańkam.
Among the Cańkam works, Patthuppattu, Kali-thokai, Paripātal, Tolkāppiyam,
and the two ancient Tamil epics, Cilappatikāram and Manimēkalai are important
for their insights on religious matters.
They testify that, Tirumāl and Murugan the son of latter Śhiva were the
deities frequently worshipped. The Alvars
had utilized the ancient Tamil principle called akam in their devotional outpourings. Therefore, an adequate knowledge of akam principles is essential for the
understanding of the works of Alvars. The four purusarthas
found in the Hindu religious system have their equal concepts in the
ancient Tamil literature. The division
of land into five regions is a good example to learn the diverse religious
affiliations prevailed in those days.
Their co-existence is a symbol par excellence for the practice of
religious tolerance then and now.
The crucial point of interest is the
convergence of southern and northern elements in matters of language, religion
and caste. The general religious outlook
of the period was harmony among religions.
The attitude of hatred could have germinated from the time when Aryans
tried to monopolize their religion, by incorporating the names of deities and
religious elements of the popular sects.
Their tendency to oppose the non-Vedic religions further aggravated the
situation. Added to these is the change
of power in the south, as discussed in the previous section.
[1]P. T. Srinivasa Aiyangar, Pre-Aryan Tamil Culture, New Delhi,
Asian Educational Service, 1985, p.13.
[3]M. S. Purnalingam Pillai, Tamil Literature, Revised and Enlarged,
New Delhi / Madras, Asian Educational Services, 1994, p.4.
[4]P. T. Srinivasa Aiyangar, Pre-Aryan Tamil Culture, Op. Cit., p.3.
[11]M. S. Purnalingam Pillai, Tamil Literature, Op. Cit., p.1.
[15]V.
D. Mahajan, Ancient India,
Thirteenth Edition, New Delhi, S. Chand & Company Ltd., 1999, p.795.
[16]N. Subrahmanian, Tamil Social History, Vol. 1, India, Institute of Asian
Studies, 1997,p.346.
[17]Sailendra Nath Sen, Ancient India – History and Civilization,
Second Edition, New Delhi, New Age International [p] Limited Publishers, 1999,
p.204.
[18]M. S. Purnalingam Pillai, Tamil Literature, Op. Cit., p.14.
[19]V. D. Mahajan, Ancient India, Op. Cit., p.795.
[20]M. S. Purnalingam Pillai, Tamil Literature, Op. Cit., pp. 14 – 17.
[21]N. Subrahmanian, Tamil Social History, Op. Cit., p.346.
[22]V. D. Mahajan, Ancient India, Op. Cit., p.796.
[23]M. S. Purnalingam Pillai, Tamil Literature, Op. Cit., p.14.
[24]P. T. Srinivas Iyangar, History of the Tamils from the Earliest
Times to 600 A.D., Madras, C. Coomarasamy Naidu & Sons, 1929, p.152.
[25]S. Sundararajan, Ancient Tamil Country, its Social and Economic Structure, New
Delhi, Published by Mrs. Nirmal Singal for Navrang Book Sellers and
Publishers, 1991, p.20.
[26]Shu Hikosaka, Buddhism in Tamil Nadu A New
Perspective, Madras, Institute of Asian Studies, 1989, p.12.
[27]C. Retnadas, Incarnation and Contextual Communication, Sadhu Sundersingh Perspective,
Tiruvalla, Christian Sahitya Samithy, 2000, p.57.
[28]K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, A History of South India from Prehistoric
Times to the Fall of ViJayanagar,
Second Edition, Madras, Oxford University Press, 1958, p.3.
[29]M. S. Purnalingam Pillai, Tamil Literature, Op. Cit., p.154.
[31]Nilakanta Sastri, A History of South India, Fourth Edition, Madras, Oxford
University Press, 1975, p.365.
[32]V. D. Mahajan, Ancient India, Op. Cit., p.800.
[33]Shu Hikosaka, Buddhism in Tamilnadu A New Perspective, Op. Cit., p.12.
[34]Sailendra Nath Sen, Ancient India – History and Civilization,
Op. Cit., p.204.
[35]Friedhelm Hardy, Viraha – Bhakti, The Early
History of Krsna Devotion in South India, New Delhi, Oxford
University Press, 1983, p.149.
[36]V. D. Mahajan, Ancient India, Op. Cit., p.800.
[37]M. S. Purnalingam Pillai, Tamil Literature, Op. cit., p.53.
[41]Friedhelm Hardy, Viraha – Bhakti, The early
History of Krsna Devotion in South India, Op. Cit., pp. 183 – 184.
[42]S. V. Subramanian and R. Vijaya
Lakshmy ed., Philosophical Heritage of
the Tamils, Madras, International Institute of Tamil Studies, 1983, pp. 118
– 119.
[44]C. Retnadas, Incarnation and Contextual Communication, Op. Cit., p.75.
[46]Friedhelm Hardy, Viraha – Bhakti, The early
History of Krsna Devotion in South India, Op. Cit., pp. 203 – 204.
[51]S. V. Subramanian and R. Vijaya
Lakshmy ed., Philosophical Heritage of
the Tamils, Op. Cit., p. 135.
[54]Ibid., p.138.
[57]M. S. Purnalingam Pillai, Tamil Literature, Op. Cit., p.21.
[61]C. Retnadas, Incarnation and Contextual Communication, Op. Cit., p.74.
[62]Shu Hikosaka, Buddhism in Tamilnadu A New Perspective, Op. Cit., p. 52.
[63]M. S. Purnalingam Pillai, Tamil Literature, Op. Cit., p.117.
[64]Shu Hikosaka, Buddhism in Tamilnadu A New Perspective, Op. Cit., p. 52.
[65]S. N. Kandaswamy “Devotinalism in the
Jain and Buddhist Tamil poems”, Journal
of Tamil Studies, 47 &48,
June & December 1995, p. 143.
[67]P. T. Srinivasa Aiyangar, Pre-Aryan Tamil Culture, Op. Cit., p.34.
[68]V. D. Mahajan, Ancient India, Op. Cit., p.800.
[70]M. S. Purnalingam Pillai, Tiruvāymōli, English Glossary, Volume
II, Bombay, Ananthacharya Indological
Research Institute, 1981, p. VII.
[71]N. Subbu Reddiar, Vainavamum Tamilum, Saivasiddhandha Noorpathippu Kazaham, Ltd.,
Chennai, 1998, p.59.
[72]V. D. Mahajan, Ancient India, Op. Cit., p.800.
[73]V. N. Ramaswami Aiyangar, Where do North and South meet – An
Exploration of Vaishnavism and Indian
Culture, New Delhi, Bahri Publications (p) LTD., 1982, p. 68.
[74]P. T. Srinivas Iyengar, History of the Tamils from the Earliest
Times to 600 A.D., Op. Cit., p.3.
[75]P. T. Srinivasa Aiyangar, Pre-Aryan Tamil Culture, Op. Cit., p.19.
[77]Ibid., pp. 21 – 22.
[79]P. T. Srinivas Iyengar, History of the Tamils from the Earliest
Times to 600 A.D., Op. Cit.,
p.76.
[80]P. T. Srinivasa Aiyangar, Pre-Aryan Tamil Culture, Op. Cit., pp. 23 – 24.
[81]P. T. Srinivas Iyengar, History of the Tamils from the Earliest
Times to 600 A.D., Op. Cit.,
p.76.
[82]P. T. Srinivasa Aiyangar, Pre-Aryan Tamil Culture, Op. Cit., p.24.
[84]P. T. Srinivas Iyengar, History of the Tamils from the Earliest
Times to 600 A.D., Op. Cit.,
p.76.
[85]P. T. Srinivasa Aiyangar, Pre-Aryan Tamil Culture, Op. Cit., p.25.
[88]M. S. Purnalingam Pillai, Tamil Literature, Op. Cit., p.5.
[89]P. T. Srinivasa Aiyangar, Pre-Aryan Tamil Culture, Op. Cit., p.19.
[90]M. S. Purnalingam Pillai, Tamil Literature, Op. Cit., p.20.
[91]P. T. Srinivas Iyengar, History of the Tamils from the Earliest
Times to 600 A.D., Op. Cit.,
p.207.
[92]Stephen Neill, Bhakti : Hindu and Christian, Madras, CLS, 1974, p.66.
[93]P. T. Srinivas Iyengar, History of the Tamils from the Earliest
Times to 600 A.D., Op. Cit.,
p.463.
[94]Krishna Chaitanya, The Betrayal of Krishna, Vicissitudes of a
Great Myth, New Delhi, Clarion Books, 1991, p.314.
[95]M. S. Purnalingam Pillai, Tamil Literature, Op. Cit., p.1.
[96]P. Thirugnanasambandham, The Concept of Bhakti, Second Edition,
Madras, University of Madras, 1973, p.4.
[97]Krishna Chaitanya, The Betrayal of Krishna, Op. Cit., p.311.
[98]K. K. A. Venkatachari, The Manipravāla Literature of the
Śrīvaisnava Ācāryas, 12th to 15th Century A.D.,
Bombay, Ananthacharya Research Institute, 1978, p.5.
[101]V. D. Mahajan, Ancient India, Op. Cit.,
p.821.
[102]Nilakanta Sastri, A History of South India, Fourth Edition, Madras, Oxford University
press, 1975, p.143.
[104]P. T. Srinivasa Aiyangar, Pre-Aryan Tamil Culture, Op. Cit., p.36.
[105]Krishna Chaitanya, The Betrayal of Krishna, Op. Cit.,
p.314.
[106]K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, A History of South India from Prehistoric
Times to the Fall of Vijayanagar,
Second Edition, Madras, Oxford University Press 1958, p.411.
[107]N. N. Bhattacharyya ed., Medieval Bhakti Movements in India, [Sri
Caitanya Quincentenary Commemoration Volume], New Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal
Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 1999, p.73.
[108]Friedhelm Hardy, Viraha-Bhakti, The Early
History of Krsna Devotion in South India, Op. Cit., p.51.
[109]Shu Hikosaka, Buddhism in Tamil Nadu A New Perspective, Op. Cit., p. 94.
[110]M. S. Purnalingam Pillai, Tamil Literature, Op. Cit., p.5.
[111]V. D. Mahajan, Ancient India, Op. Cit., p.829.
[112]D. S. Sarma, Hinduism Through the Ages, Bombay, Bharatiya Vidya
Bhavan, 1967, p.29.
[113]V. D. Mahajan, Ancient India, Op. Cit., p.822.
[114]S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Early History of Vaishnavism in South India,
Madras, The Oxford University Press, 1920, pp. 92 -93.
[115]V. D. Mahajan, Ancient India, Op. Cit., p.819.
[116]C. Retnadas, Incarnation and Contextual Communication, Op. Cit., p.74.
[118]Nilakanta Sastri, A History of South India, Op. Cit., p.143.
[119]V. D. Mahajan, Ancient India, Op. Cit., p.818.
[120]N. Subrahamanian, Tamil Social History, Volume 1, Op. Cit., p.368.
[122]V. D. Mahajan, Ancient India, Op. Cit., p.818.
[123]P. T. Srinivasa Aiyangar, Pre-Aryan Tamil Culture, Op. Cit., p.53.
[124]N. Subrahamanian, Tamil Social History, Volume 1,
Op. Cit., p.61.
[125]S. Sundararajan, Ancient Tamil Country, its Social and Economic Structure,
Op. Cit., p.16.
[126]V. D. Mahajan, Ancient India, Op. Cit., p.818.
[127]K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, A History of South India from Prehistoric
Times to the Fall of Vijayanagar, Op.
Cit., p.412.
Comments
Post a Comment