Narratives of an Ideology and Sustainable Capability Enhancement
Rev. Dr. Selvam Robertson
Narratives of an Ideology and Sustainable Capability Enhancement
Narratives of an Ideology and Sustainable Capability Enhancement
Introduction
This paper is an
attempt to study ‘a belligerent ideological narrative’ that challenges to
obliterate the thus-far prevalent constructs in various realms and to prepare ourselves
for improving the capabilities of the deprived sections through a sustainable
interpretation of the word of God in the background of 500th year of
the dawning of the reformation.
The word ideology, in
essence, has aggressive nature and political underpinning that are occasionally
explicit and more often implicit in some of its narratives. The narratives are
ideological goals that wish to replace broader perspectives. The expression
‘Sustainable capability enhancement’ is used to highlight the dynamic role of
‘interpreting scripture’ to derive substantial resources to empower people who
are otherwise disadvantaged of basic facilities and privileges to improve
themselves. It is also to reflect that any interpretation of scripture should
preserve its classic nature. While allowing critical musings, it should do
justice to all the previous interpretations and explore relevant contextual
interpretations to allow the inherent potency of the word of God to enhance the
capabilities of the ones who are in need. More aptly and precisely
‘sustainable’ refers to the principle of interpretation or hermeneutics and
‘capability enhancement’ to mission, implying that both interpretation and
mission should be ‘sustainable’.
It is not unusual to
be aggressive for any ideology that enjoys ‘state patronage’ as church might
have been in the pre-reformation era. What is striking in the present context
is that we are amidst the new narrative and reforming ourselves to continue in
sustainable capability enhancement.
Prevalence
of the Ideology
The Hindutva (loosely
translated as Hinduness) ideology that was once at experimental mode has
switched over to implementation [mode] of its ideologies in conjunction with
the policies of the government. As a result the ‘modern, secular and
democratic’ and ‘inclusive’ India is in for change.[1] This change brings in political gains to
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the off shoot of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
(RSS) which advocates Hindutva. The Hindutva affiliates, as an essential step forward,
work ‘to create a pan-Hindu identity’.[2]
The ideology has used ‘democratic processes like elections’ and ‘majority
minority polarity’ to gain political power.[3]
Further consolidation of the narrative is glaringly obvious in the appointment
of ideologically inclined persons to important constitutional positions of the
country.[4] It
is an irony that this move has been financially supported by thousands of
educated and well-to-do Hindu NRIs who migrated to Europe and USA to enjoy the
freedom and wealth under democracy.[5]
The main objective of
the narratives seems to bring in ‘singularity’ in the place of ‘plurality’,
‘majoritarian state in the place of secular’, ‘prohibition in the place of
freedom’ ‘terrorizing instead of confidence building’, ‘polarizing in the place
of harmony’, ‘hatred in the place of understanding’, ‘intolerance in the place
of tolerance’ mob lawlessness in the place of constitutional justice and myth
in the place of science, reason and history. Sitaram Yechury in his farewell
speech in the Rajya Sabha lucidly cognized the risk underlying the new
narratives as “if you try to impose a uniformity, whether it is religious
uniformity or linguistic uniformity or cultural uniformity, on our diversity,
then this country can never remain together.”[6]
The combination of an aggressive ideology and the emergence of BJP in the
context of identity politics of India, together aid the new narratives.
Ideology
and Identity Politics
The BJP’s
contemporary political articulations and policy formulation are a paradigm
shift driven by powerful ideological forces. It’s an altogether new brand of
politics[7]
that had its inception in the ‘development of identity politics’, in 1980 s and
90s. The identity politics of BJP utilizes
‘community and caste prejudice’ to polarize the people.[8]
It is
apprehended that the new paradigm [narrative] can cause ‘ideological struggles,
street battles, regional divisions, and attempts at revisiting the fundamentals
of the Indian Union, among others’.[9] If
the paradigm shift does not consider the ‘pluralistic accommodation, religious
sensitivity, regional differences and civil rights then there may be ‘civil
war-like situations, mounting dissent and violence’.[10]
The outcome of the
combination of ideology and identity politics seems to be startling. According
to Mohammad Hamid Ansari, former Vice
President, in recent times there were “enhanced apprehensions of insecurity
amongst segments of our citizen body, particularly Dalits, Muslims and
Christians”.[11] In connivance with
this combination, governments remain silent as mobs have taken law in their
hands ‘to terrorize Dalits and religious minorities’[12]
in pursuit of the new narrative.
Risks
of the Present Narrative
Amartya Sen analyses the danger of
promoting singular identities like-civilization, religion, nationalities,
class, etc. and call this as a “solitarist” approach to human identity. And he
writes “a solitarist approach can be a good way of misunderstanding nearly
everyone in the world.”[13]
He, without mincing words, says “our shared humanity gets savagely challenged
when the manifold divisions in the world are unified into one allegedly
dominant system of classification.”[14]
Sen points out that
‘indeed, many of the conflicts and barbarities in the world are sustained
through the illusion of a unique and choiceless identity’. It is relevant in
the context of the new narrative to note that “in fact, a major source of
potential conflict in the contemporary world is the presumption that people can
be uniquely categorized based on religion or culture.”[15]
He also said a solitarist approach ‘makes the world much more flammable’[16] and ‘contribute to social tension and
violence’.[17]
According to him, in the context of many identities ‘reasoning and scrutiny can play a major role
both in the specification of identities and in thinking through the relative
strengths of their respective claims’.[18] Unfortunately the present narrative is
opposed to ‘reasoning and scrutiny’ of its claims.
Brand
Nationalism
‘Brand nationalism’ is a part of the project
of the current narrative. It conveniently distinguishes between political
nationalism and geographical nationalism and suggests that people who fought
for independence upheld political nationalism and people who did not involve in
freedom struggle uphold geographical nationalism. The root of the scheme is setting one against
the other.
Mohammad Hamid Ansari said ‘the version of nationalism that
places cultural commitments at its core is usually perceived as the most
conservative and illiberal form of nationalism’ and that ‘it promotes
intolerance and arrogant patriotism’.[19]
Eric J.Lott writes “nowhere,
probably, have communal roots been as defining of a person as in traditional
India.”[20]
Some call the present
state of affairs as a counter-revolution where rapid strides are being made
towards a corporate-backed Hindu Rashtra.[21] In spite of the unreasonableness of the
‘singular’ narrative “the combination of communalism and collaboration from Big
Business imparts to the present regime a seeming invincibility.”[22]
Suffocating
other Voices
The new narrative
subverts the architects of democracy and democratic principles. For example,
suspecting the intents of Ram Nath Kovind, the president of India, it is
appealed that “though the government under Prime Minister Narendra Modi has
gone to extraordinary lengths to eliminate references to the architect of
democratic India, we expect the head of state to stand above partisan party
politics.”[23]
Democracy must have
space for variety without leaning towards an identity or ideology. Sen writes
“Political and civil rights, especially those related to the guaranteeing of
open discussion, debate, criticism, and dissent, are central to the processes
of generating informed and reflected choices.”[24]
He goes on to say “this is essential for the survival and prosperity of a
country as remarkably varied as India, which may have a Hindu majority, but
which is also the third largest Muslim country in the world, in which millions
of Christians, along with most of world’s Sikhs, Parsees, and Jains, live.”[25] Mohammad Hamid Ansari quoting S. Radhakrishnan, said “a
democracy is distinguished by the protection it gives to minorities” and that
it was “likely to degenerate into tyranny if it does not allow the opposition
groups to criticize fairly, freely and frankly the policies of the government”.[26]
Many of the current ‘terrorizing’ incidents move in this direction.
Amartya Sen argues
that “developing and strengthening a democratic system is an essential
component of the process of development.”[27]
He also warns that mere democratic freedoms are of no avail. Sen illustrates
from Sundarban that ‘while the tigers are protected, nothing protects the
miserable human beings [honey gatherers] who try to make a living by working in
those woods’.[28]
He deplores further ‘if poverty drives human beings to take such terrible risks
and perhaps to die terrible deaths’ ‘it might well be odd to concentrate on
their liberty and political freedoms’.[29]
His concerns fit fairly well into our context. It is a paradox that human lives
being valued lesser than animals and killing an animal for a living is treated
as more serious crime than killing a human being. We are in a situation where
murderers roam free and the family and community of murdered are ostracized and
booked.
Majority Psyche
A part of the new narrative is to obliterate the ‘secular’
character of the Indian constitution and to instill majority opinion. Hence,
the Constitution is presented as “anti-Hindu”[30]
and therefore to replace it with Manusmriti (Codes of Manu).[31]
In reality, “it is not the Constitution which
has failed the nation. It is the leaders who betrayed the trust which the
framers of the Constitution reposed in them”.[32]
BJP’s
choices for top government positions poignantly are in this direction.
Ambedkar had apprehended this concern and said on November
4, 1948, that the Constitution ‘is workable, it is flexible and it is strong
enough to hold the country together both in peace time and in war time’. He
also noted ‘if things go wrong under the new Constitution, the reason will not
be that we had a bad Constitution. What we will have to say is that Man was
Vile’.[33]
He further added on
November 25, 1949, “however good a Constitution may be, it is sure to turn out
bad because those who are called to work it happen to be a bad lot.”[34]
Indian Constitution celebrates
‘plurality’ in contrast to the narrative of devastating ‘cultural nationalism
or chauvinism’.[35]
In our times attempts to ‘keeping traditions pure and unpolluted is hard to
sustain’.[36]
Hence it is also argued that “the future of the world lies in finding a way in
which different cultures can contribute their share to an integral development
of humanity.”[37]
Thus, Huntington’s characterization of India as a “Hindu Civilization” is
politically combustible[38]
and ‘confrontational in form and implication’.[39]
This leads to the exploding of ‘majority psyche’ in the form of ‘mob
constitution’.
Terrorizing: A New Paradigm
In the present
context “maligning intellectual and socio-politically sensitive critical
inquiry as “extremist”, “anti-national” and a seditious threat to state
security have become today’s common sense and are used as justification for
current policy.”[40]
Assassination of Gauri Lankesh, a journalist, on 5th September 2017 signals
a ‘new and significant moment in the
growing environment of intolerance in the country’[41]
and ‘has
brought to focus again the discussion on ideological intolerance and a new
brand of terrorism’ ‘to further a particular political ideology’.[42]
US state department noted in
its latest report that “there
was an increase in violent incidents by cow protection groups against mostly
Muslim victims, including killings, mob violence, assaults, and intimidation.”[43]
It added that ‘India did not act against cow vigilantes’ and ‘the
authorities have routinely refused to take action against’ them.[44] Sober minds consider the sentiments about cow
as ‘a campaign of terror that has made
a mockery of the rule of law in the country.[45]
The disturbing dynamic of the new narrative is that its
programs find governmental assistance. For instance on May 23, 2017 the
government introduced the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (Regulation of
Livestock Market) Rules 2017 in addition to the already existing ‘Prevention of Cruelty
to Animals Act of 1960’. The new rule ‘require a person coming to the market to
give a written undertaking that he will not sell his cattle for slaughter’. [46]
The Supreme Court questioned this and asked the government “how can you [the
Centre] insist that a person should give a written undertaking that he(sic) is
not bringing cattle to the market for sale for slaughter?” [47]
The court further pointed that “this is an interference of his (sic) fundamental
right to carry on trade, protected under the Prevention of Cruelty Act”.[48]
In fact the 1960 Act
allowed slaughter of animals for food and religious sacrifices.[49] The
Constitution makes no mention of religious sentiments. Still less does it seek
to impose dietary preferences of a section of the population on other
communities or individuals.[50]
Some see that the rule is intended to ‘harassing people involved in the meat
trade’.[51]
For others ‘there
are serious economic interests behind the political backing’ because the
‘Central government has allowed 100 per cent foreign direct investment in March
2017 through automated route in e-commerce for food production and
food-processing.’[52]
In the context of this narrative the
supreme court ‘stated that right to privacy is a fundamental right as it is an
intrinsic part of the right to life and personal liberty guaranteed under the
Constitution’.[53]
On August 24, 2017, the court said ‘the right to privacy enjoyed state
protection under Article 21 of the Constitution’. [54]
Government’s
involvement to protect the so called ‘religious interest’ of a particular
community is against the principle of a secular India. It is also dishonoring
the other religious traditions and sentiments.
The
following comparison illustrates the paradigm of the new narrative: “Modern Gau Mata and Bharat Mata are
contemporaries: the former has given the growth of communalism a boost and the
latter has sought to strengthen the Hindutva brand of nationalism.”[55]
Back to Myths
After the arrival of ‘scientific education’ in India the
government had taken education under its administration. But, the paradigm of
the new narrative is to encourage ‘corporate interests in decision-making in
the name of “efficiency” and “professional management”.[56]
Privatization
of education has made quality ‘education beyond the reach of the socially and
economically oppressed’.[57]
The activism of
‘Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad’[58] and the governments
interference in the universities ‘to
curb the intellectual and physical space available for students and faculty to
question, dissent from and disturb existing power structures’[59]
are serious concerns. Attempting to imbibe ‘nationalism’ and ‘military discipline’ like
Sainik Schools[60] disturbed the fabric
of education at all levels. It is feared that ‘selective appointment’ to top academic and administrative positions
can threaten the ‘credibility of research in the natural and social sciences
and the future content and quality of investigative studies’.[61]
Claiming an organic
unity between the Vedic world view and modern science has been an agenda of the
Hindu nationalists. It is argued that in the end, Vedas-as-the
mother-of-science is a “magnificent dead end”.[62]
Further the ‘project of turning modern science into a smriti is a massive, and repeated, distortion of the history of
science’.[63] Attaching the knowledge of plastic surgery to
the story of lord Ganesha and knowledge of genetic engineering to the theory of
kama are other examples of the new
narrative. It is deplored that ‘to the shame of this country not a single
eminent scientist in India’ took to task such claims, ‘which may now well enter
our textbooks in Central schools and the schools in most States’.[64]
It looks, gone are
the days reason and science challenged crude myths. The new paradigm suggests a
preference for myths in the place of reason, research, history and
science. A serious task awaits everyone,
including us, who thinks of inclusive India and scientific enquiry (education)
for a better future.
Ideology
Driven Religious Narrative
The new paradigm is committed to
contentious religious narratives like a temple was demolished to construct a
mosque, one of the world wonders was
built in the place of a Siva temple and symbolizing India as Bharat Matha.
These narratives have satisfactorily encompassed the three major strands of
Hinduism to facilitate pan Hinduism. The consequence of the new narrative is
that ‘India has recorded a spike in violence related to religious intolerance
in 2016’.[65]
In the words of Amartya Sen “violence is fomented by the imposition of singular
and belligerent identities on gullible people, championed by proficient
artisans of terror.”[66]
It is a warning that ‘a simplistic
characterization of India along an artificially singular religious line remains
politically explosive’.[67] It is also against the religious neutrality
of the constitutional provision. The religious partitioning of the world/nation
‘has the effect of magnifying one particular distinction between one person and
another to the exclusion of all other important concerns’.[68]
Singular perception can undermine mines of riches. For example ‘while Akbar was
free to pursue his liberal policies without ceasing to be a Muslim’ there were
others who considered different views.[69]
Forcing ‘religious identity’ alone devastates all other possibilities of
appreciation and coexistence.
Madrasas in Uttar
Pradesh have criticized the government order to video-graph Independence Day
celebrations this year, as ‘an attempt to test the patriotism of Muslims’.[70] Prominent citizens who voiced concern
over such schemes are questioned about their nationalism. It is also true that
more and more number of minorities is convicted in different cases. Heinous
crimes against minorities are not fairly investigated for logical conclusions.
Many are the ‘restrictions imposed’ on Christian NGOs.[71]
It is unbelievable that the new narrative, unimaginably, claim victimhood.
Singular narrative is
unhealthy. For the harmony of the world/ nation there needs to be ‘a clearer
understanding of the pluralities of human identity’.[72]
These identities coexist, interact and cannot be singularized. Even ‘the
prospects of peace in the contemporary world may well lie in the recognition of
the plurality of our affiliations’.[73]
At this context of the new narrative we remember, with hope and confidence, the
reformation that challenged a particular paradigm.
Remembering
Reformation
‘Narrative of a belligerent ideology
is our context’, as we remember the ‘event of reformation’ after 500 years.
Re-forming the church, re-reminding the church and re-affirming faith in Jesus
Christ the head of the church in obedience to the word of God are symbols of
gratitude to Jesus and reformation. It is gratitude to Jesus because we remain
continuously committed to him and to reformation because reformation was a
historical reminder to the church not to forget her head and the calling.
Reformation reminded
us that God, scripture, faith, grace and salvation, among many more theological
contributions, are irrefutably fundamental to Christian life and witness and it
is God’s justice that has brought equal standing with him (priesthood of all
believers).
Catholic thinkers have gracefully
accepted that there is a ‘need to return to our primordial source: God alone’.[74]
They have agreed that the reformation ‘gave a fillip to the reading and study
of the Word of God in the Catholic Church’.[75]
There is a positive acceptance that ‘the Catholic charismatic movement’ was
‘inspired by the Protestant model of prayer’.[76]
It is also admitted that ‘in different dimensions of church life’,
‘interestingly Protestant sections had already gone forward’.[77]
It is also penitently said that
reformation ‘provides the Catholic Church a chance and grace to rethink about
her methods of interpreting the Word of God’. Further, ‘instead of condemning
Martin Luther’ we ‘confess our wrong approach to it ’[Bible], ‘and give a
re-orientation to the biblical interpretation’.[78]
It is more fitting to affirm that Luther’s translation of the Bible into the
vernacular made a tremendous impact on both the Church and society.[79] Although denominationalism is
attributed to reformation, the availability of Bible in local
languages helped spreading the Gospel in multifaceted ways. Different
interpretations and understanding have facilitated innovative mission. We are called upon to
continue the impact in our own contexts.
Veiling
the ray of Hope
Contrary to the new
narrative that Christianity is a foreign religion, Roger E. Hedlund firmly
states that “Christianity is one of the ancient religions of India.”[80] He further said,
“the Thomas Christians are purely indigenous, born and brought up on Indian
soil, nurtured in Indian culture and traditions, their customs Indian and
indigenous.”[81]
While the new
narrative attempts to obliterate other viewpoints and contributions the fact
remains that the Bible has from its start inspired millions to commit for an
inclusive and sustainable capability enhancement based on Jesus’ approach- ‘the
primacy of human need.[82]
The printing press of
the missionaries and the educational institutions set up by them for both men
and woman are the initial impetus of transformations in India. They opposed child marriage, widow burning
and many other inhuman practices.[83] Their publication of news papers brought
‘mass enlightenment’.[84]
The Serampore missionaries developed Indian languages ‘aimed at the economic
and socio-cultural renaissance of India’.[85] Tokenism was never in consideration. Their
works were based on ‘sustainable capability enhancement’ through education,
printing press, hospitals, medical education etc. This cannot be stopped even
when the new narratives prevail. It is hard to understand the reason for
preventing such works and naming them differently. Why cannot Christianity be
credited for its sustainable capability enhancement resulting in
transformations in India in the past and now?
Like never before,
there are challenges to continue the mission. However, the fact remains that
“invariably, there are many different ways of being an ‘Indian-Christian’, just
as there are many ways of being ‘Indian’.”[86] A reformation in our understanding of
hermeneutics and mission is necessary to affirm such faith and conviction.
Hermeneutics
of Sustainable Capability Enhancement
The same triune God,
faith, bible, grace and salvation that inspired millions to accept the symbol
of cross for sustainable capability enhancement of the deprived all through the
centuries have not lost ‘empowering and enhancing potency’ until today.
Explicating and actualizing this reality solely rests on the church in her
multifaceted engagement with the entire creation. Bible has not lost its
irreplaceable appeal for sustainable capability enhancement leading towards
justice and peace.
It may be helpful, in the process, to
be reminded that ‘transmitting and interpreting’[87]
the message/word of god/bible is a continuous process. In order to be
successful in this exploration it may be cautioned that ‘no hermeneute can
succeed transcending the boundaries of the original text of the “Revelation”.
It is also essential that unless the interpreter has ‘empathy with the
feelings, emotions, imaginations, expectations as well as frustrations,
tragedies and comedies of the life of the common people’[88]
interpretations may fail.
In our context of interpretation, no
doubt, there is a ‘need to consider the country’s cultural background’.[89]
‘Plurality’ is the essence of Indian setting.
The challenges emerging from the narratives of a belligerent ideology in
the process of sustainable capability enhancement call for a “concrete theology
of cross” in contrast to the ‘theology of glory’ or triumphalism. The
hermeneutical principle of ‘sustainable capability enhancement’ can relevantly
address Indian plurality.
Sustainability refers to the nature
of interpretation that seriously takes in to account the irreducibility of the
word of God, the life and mission of the church, various contextual
interpretations of the Bible, plurality of the Indian context, the narratives
of the belligerent ideology and derive resource for capability enhancement. Our
mission of capability enhancement has to be developed from the resources
generated from a sustainable interpretation.
Mission
as Sustainable Capability Enhancement
In spite of
aggressive ideological narratives in consonance with identity politics,
existential context of India remains difficult to change. Poverty, poor health
care, child mortality, exclusion, deprivation of basic capabilities,
exploitation of all kinds, degradation of human rights, dignity of human beings
and accessibility to basic resources are still serious concerns. These ‘are
rampant in the countryside of the nation’.[90]
Amartya Sen
interprets ‘poverty as a deprivation of basic capabilities’ rather than merely
as low income and says ‘deprivation of elementary capabilities can be reflected
in premature mortality, significant undernourishment (especially of children),
persistent morbidity, widespread illiteracy and other failures’.[91]
Therefore it is argued that, one of the mission challenges is to work on a fast
track ‘to eradicate illiteracy; enable the poor access resources for higher and
professional education; enhance their bargaining capacity; uncover the poverty
hidden behind their cell phones and the televisions; promote mainstreaming of
women and the weaker sections through participation in governance and decision
making bodies/levels’.[92]
The present narrative
has the capability to project the unreal as real. Nevertheless, our commitment
to mission is initiated by God (Missio Dei).[93] Christianity always opted for capability
enhancement of deprived sections through, education, health care, fighting
social evils, industrial training etc. In spite of the labels like ‘foreign
religion’, ‘attempting to convert’; and banning organizations and blocking
financial resources to sustainable capability enhancement we need to move
forward with the help of interpretation of the word of God relevant to
different contexts.
Conclusion
The new narratives of
Hindutva are really challenges for Christian mission. The church has never
relaxed even in more adverse contexts than ours. Nor the word of God failed to
speak to any situation. Reformation event reaffirms that we need to re-form our
commitment, re-remind ourselves of our responsibility in varying contexts and
recall Christ the head of the church to inspire us to diligently serve him. The
hermeneutical principle of “sustainable capability enhancement” can be explored
to relevantly interpret the word of God in order to derive resources for
capability enhancement. It was because of the “sustainable capability
enhancement” mission of the church all through the centuries ‘hope dawned in
hopelessness’. Our mission today is ‘dispelling various forms of deprivations’
and enabling the deprived to see hope and enjoy justice and peace. Our strength
is the cross and the crucified Jesus.
And our capacity is being able to repent if anything was pursued
unjustly and insincerely. The biblical dictum that what you have done to the
least you have done to me and what you have not done to the least you have not
done to me has not lost its freshness.
Reformation, hermeneutics and mission are continuous rejuvenation of our
commitment.
Religion and Dialogue
Religion and Dialogue
[1]
Lancy Lobo, “De-Humanization through Caste and Religion: Two Shining Human
Rights Activists of Gujarat, India,” Third Millennium XX/2 (April-June,
2017): 17.
[2]
Vikhar Ahmed Sayeed, “Communal Cauldron,” Frontline
(September 30, 2016):52.
[3]
Lancy Lobo, 17.
[4]
Lancy Lobo, 17.
[5]
Lancy Lobo, 17.
[6]Special
Correspondent, “Yechury thanks BJP, Cong. leaders,” The Hindu (Vijayawada), 11
August 2017, 11.
[7]
Happymon Jacob, “When the paradigm shifts,” The
Hindu (Vijayawada),10 August 2017, 8.
[8]
Madhu Prasad, “Learning in a saffron-tinted market,” Frontline (September1, 2017):60.
[9]
Happymon Jacob, 8.
[10]
Happymon Jacob, 8.
[11]Venkitesh
Ramakrishnan, “Creed above country: Rise of the Right,” Frontline (September1, 2017):15- 16.
[12]
Prabhat Patnaik, “From revolution to counter-revolution,” Frontline (September1, 2017):7-8.
[13]
Amartya Sen, Identity and Violence: The
Illusion of Destiny, (London: Penguin Books, 2006), xii.
[14]
Amartya Sen, Identity and Violence: The
Illusion of Destiny, xiii.
[15]
Amartya Sen, Identity and Violence: The
Illusion of Destiny, xv.
[16]
Amartya Sen, Identity and Violence: The
Illusion of Destiny, 16.
[17]
Amartya Sen, Identity and Violence: The
Illusion of Destiny, 21.
[18]
Amartya Sen, Identity and Violence: The
Illusion of Destiny, 29.
[19]Venkitesh
Ramakrishnan, “Creed above country: Rise of the Right,” Frontline (September1, 2017):15- 16.
[20]
Eric J. Lott, “Issues in Shaping an Indian-Christian
Identity,” in We, the Church: studies in
Mission & Evangelization, edited by Smitha P. Coffey & Donna Tracy Paul
(New Delhi: Christian world Imprints, 2017), 39.
[21]
Prabhat Patnaik, “From revolution to counter-revolution,” Frontline (September1, 2017):6.
[22]Irfan
Habib, “Inventing history to inculcate hatred,” Frontline (September1, 2017):36.
[23]Neera
Chandhoke, “Why Nehru matters more than ever,” The Hindu (Vijayawada), 8
August 2017, 8.
[24]
Amartya Sen, Development as Freedom,
(US: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1999), 153.
[25]Amartya
Sen, Development as Freedom, 157.
[26]Venkitesh
Ramakrishnan, “Creed above country: Rise of the Right,” Frontline (September1, 2017):15- 16.
[27]
Amartya Sen, Development as Freedom,
157.
[28]
Amartya Sen, Development as Freedom,
146. [Sundarban is the place where the royal Bengal tigers are protected and it
is also known for its honey hives which attract the poor to risk their lives
for a living].
[29]
Amartya Sen, Development as Freedom,
146.
[30]
M.P. Raju, “Composite culture and its discontents,” Frontline (September1, 2017):28.
[31]M.P.
Raju, “Composite culture and its discontents,” Frontline (September1, 2017):28.
[32]
A.G.Noorani, “Enemies within the system,” Frontline
(September1, 2017):26.
[33]
A.G.Noorani, “Enemies within the system,” 26.
[34]
A.G.Noorani, “Enemies within the system,” 26.
[35]
Amartya Sen, Development as Freedom,
(US: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1999), 242.
[36]
Amartya Sen, Development as Freedom,
243.
[37]
S.M. Michael SVD, Christianity and
Cultures: Anthropological Insights for Christian Mission in India (Delhi & Pune: ISPCK and
Ishvani Kendra, 2015, 108.
[38]
Amartya Sen, Identity and Violence: The
Illusion of Destiny, (London: Penguin Books, 2006), 48.
[39]
Amartya Sen, Identity and Violence: The
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[40]
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